By James Hayden Tufts
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Extra info for Our democracy, its origins and its tasks
Structural assumption 3 In democratic political systems, counterelites are better able to mobilize opposition in order to challenge incumbents for their policy failures. 02-S3154 1/27/05 7:45 AM Page 22 22 Chapter 2 The third assumption links institutional structures to opposition. Although opposition exists in all political systems, the more open the political system, the more likely it is that opposition groups will mobilize to challenge the ruling party. Moreover, the more open the system, the more likely it is that opposition groups have the power to inﬂict costs on the executive for making unpopular foreign policy decisions.
Given the discrepancy between the authors’ claims and my interpretation of their model, what would a fair test of the selectorate model entail? I have 02-S3154 1/27/05 7:45 AM Page 27 The Impact of Institutions and Norms in International Crises 27 chosen to test both a monadic and dyadic version of their argument. Bueno de Mesquita and colleagues claim that states with a large selectorate will be extremely sensitive to the balance of power. 16 Therefore, I will test whether the monadic and dyadic constraining power of democracies declines as the balance of forces becomes more favorable.
7. In Chapter 3, I discuss exceptions to this statement, including Dixon (1993, 1994), Huth (1996), Huth and Allee (2002), and Bennett and Stam (2004). Dixon tests propositions drawn from the democratic peace literature using the Alker and Sherman (1986) data set, which explicitly divides disputes into multiple phases as deﬁned by Bloomﬁeld and Leiss (1969). However, Dixon does not test a selection model. Huth and Allee focus on a single issue: territorial disputes. The massive effort of Bennett and Stam, which examines sixteen major theories using all dyads as well as conﬂictual subsets, provides only limited tests of the democratic peace argument.