Democracy and War: Institutions, Norms, and the Evolution of by David L. Rousseau

By David L. Rousseau

Traditional knowledge in diplomacy keeps that democracies are just peaceable whilst encountering different democracies. utilizing various social clinical equipment of research starting from statistical reviews and laboratory experiments to case reports and laptop simulations, Rousseau demanding situations this traditional knowledge through demonstrating that democracies are much less more likely to start up violence at early levels of a dispute. utilizing a number of tools permits Rousseau to illustrate that institutional constraints, instead of peaceable norms of clash answer, are accountable for inhibiting the fast hotel to violence in democratic polities. Rousseau reveals that conflicts evolve via successive phases and that the constraining energy of participatory associations can range throughout those levels. eventually, he demonstrates how constraint inside of states encourages the increase of clusters of democratic states that resemble "zones of peace" in the anarchic foreign constitution.

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Structural assumption 3 In democratic political systems, counterelites are better able to mobilize opposition in order to challenge incumbents for their policy failures. 02-S3154 1/27/05 7:45 AM Page 22 22 Chapter 2 The third assumption links institutional structures to opposition. Although opposition exists in all political systems, the more open the political system, the more likely it is that opposition groups will mobilize to challenge the ruling party. Moreover, the more open the system, the more likely it is that opposition groups have the power to inflict costs on the executive for making unpopular foreign policy decisions.

Given the discrepancy between the authors’ claims and my interpretation of their model, what would a fair test of the selectorate model entail? I have 02-S3154 1/27/05 7:45 AM Page 27 The Impact of Institutions and Norms in International Crises 27 chosen to test both a monadic and dyadic version of their argument. Bueno de Mesquita and colleagues claim that states with a large selectorate will be extremely sensitive to the balance of power. 16 Therefore, I will test whether the monadic and dyadic constraining power of democracies declines as the balance of forces becomes more favorable.

7. In Chapter 3, I discuss exceptions to this statement, including Dixon (1993, 1994), Huth (1996), Huth and Allee (2002), and Bennett and Stam (2004). Dixon tests propositions drawn from the democratic peace literature using the Alker and Sherman (1986) data set, which explicitly divides disputes into multiple phases as defined by Bloomfield and Leiss (1969). However, Dixon does not test a selection model. Huth and Allee focus on a single issue: territorial disputes. The massive effort of Bennett and Stam, which examines sixteen major theories using all dyads as well as conflictual subsets, provides only limited tests of the democratic peace argument.

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