By Jennifer Erickson
The United Nations's groundbreaking fingers exchange Treaty (ATT), which went into influence in 2014, units legally binding criteria to manage international palms exports and displays the turning out to be issues towards the numerous function that small and significant traditional fingers play in perpetuating human rights violations, clash, and societal instability around the globe. many nations that when staunchly antagonistic shared export controls and their perceived danger to political and fiscal autonomy are actually starting to include a variety of agreements, similar to the ATT and the ecu Code of behavior.
Jennifer L. Erickson explores the explanations best arms-exporting democracies have set aside previous sovereignty, safety, and financial concerns in prefer of humanitarian palms move controls, and he or she follows the early results of this about-face on export perform. She starts off with a quick background of failed fingers export keep an eye on tasks after which tracks hands move traits over the years. Pinpointing the normative shifts within the Nineties that placed humanitarian palms regulate at the desk, she finds that those states devoted to those regulations out of outrage for his or her overseas reputations. She additionally highlights how hands alternate scandals threaten family reputations and therefore aid increase compliance. utilizing statistical facts and interviews performed in France, Germany, Belgium, the uk, and the U.S., Erickson demanding situations latest IR theories of country habit whereas delivering perception into the function of popularity as a social mechanism and the significance of presidency transparency and responsibility in producing compliance with new norms and rules.
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Extra info for Dangerous trade : arms exports, human rights, and international reputation
A good reputation has a feel-good effect on state identity. Second, states care about their reputations because of the implications for their legitimacy and social standing, particularly within international institutions, which can set behavioral expectations and advertise states’ policy commitments. 11 Many states that once shunned multilateral conventional arms export standards now support them because they want to be viewed as conforming to international norms. 12 The value of a good reputation attached to conventional arms control is not derived from anticipated increases in procurement or overseas sales.
27 A good reputation reinforces a state’s positive self-image and helps it wield social influence and moral authority by improving its standing and legitimacy. However extensive a state’s hard power, social influence can be a cheaper and subtler resource to bring fellow states’ preferences in line with its own. Indeed, the ability to leverage soft power—“the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments” (Nye 2004:x)—is based on a positive image abroad and suggests that relying solely on military power can be inefficient and counterproductive.
I detail both the international and domestic reputation arguments in the following sections. ” In the traditions of constructivism and the English School, I observe that international politics can foster social standards and encourage social behavior on the part of states. And, like Ian Hurd (2007) and Alastair Iain Johnston (2008), I argue that states are rational actors within a social context. When material incentives to cooperate or comply are absent—or material costs are present—social incentives can nevertheless motivate leaders to commit to pop- “ R es p o n s i b l e” A r m s T r a n sfe r P o li c y a n d Soci a l Re p uta ti on 25 ular initiatives.